Yannick Jadot
Solagral
"Terre Citoyen"
Fondation pour le progres de l'humanite

As the new WTO negotiations approach, the multifunctional character of agriculture is reasserted by some as a hedge against increased liberalisation. The concept of multifunctionality is nevertheless not novel. It simply reminds us that agriculture, beyond its primary function of producing food and raw materials, performs other functions; it contributes to food security and to socio-economic viability in many rural areas; and it brings environmental benefits such as soil conservation, sustainable resource management and biodiversity conservation. Now these functions, which are called non-market functions, are increasingly in demand. This demand is varied, just like the non-market effects of agriculture: it depends on the type of agriculture, local natural and economic conditions, and the cultural weight that agriculture enjoys in the history of a nation. In France, for example, expectations of agriculture focus essentially upon employment, environment and food quality.

Because the WTO has embarked upon a course of "commodification" and thus of increased productivism in agriculture, certain forms of public support are necessary to achieve the sought-after levels of non-market functions. That is why Europe, Norway, Japan, Switzerland or Korea highlight the multifunctionality of agriculture to defend their interventionist policies. In so doing, they hope to find allies, particularly among Southern countries who have seen their room for manoeuvre - in terms of agricultural policy and food security - melt away after the Uruguay Round.

However, to be credible in the negotiations, multifunctionality must meet three types of legitimity. First of all, internal legitimity. Agriculture must effectively meet the social and economic expectations which arise. This is an exercise in democracy, in the ranking of national priorities, in the articulation of policies and obviously in resource allocation. As far as European agriculture is concerned, as outlined by the Berlin compromise in Spring 1999, multifunctionality remains more of an aim than a reality to which, for example, the "contrat territorial d'exploitation" (territory undertaking contract) in France makes a contribution, though with too few resources.

Secondly, a legitimity of "coherence". In tackling the questions of food quality and safety, of environmental and biodiversity protection, the discussion on the multifunctionality of agriculture must be expanded and articulated in the negotiations on intellectual property rights, health and phytosanitary standards, and the Convention on Biodiversity, etc. This implies, for example, the recognition by the WTO of the Precautionary Principle.

And finally international legitimity with regard to the agreement on agriculture itself. In defence of multifunctionality in the agriculture negotiations, Europe should build alliances beyond Norway and Japan, that is to say with many of the developing countries, and in the first instance with net food-importing countries. This means two things. Firstly, the defence of one multifunctional model of agriculture implies respect for the multifunctionality of other agricultures. Thus Europe should join the process of significantly reducing the negative impacts of its policies on other countries. In particular, Europe should cut its export subsidies which, just like the different forms of agricultural support in the USA, caricature its commercial aggression.

Secondly, the discussion on agriculture should break free from the current strict instrumental logic, which is largely artificial: it prevents developing countries from having ambitious agricultural policies while the developed countries continue to invest considerable sums - with the destabilising effects with which we are all familiar. By breaking free from this logic and recognising new rationales for new forms of public support, the agriculture negotiations offer clear new possibilities to the countries wishing to follow sustainable methods of production and respect society's choices founded on democratic structures.

There is still a long road ahead before we attain fair and equitable world trade in agricultural produce. It means formulating new general rules, rather than negotiating derogations or exceptions which are all too often transitory. New international power relations must be created. It remains to convince and to reform. Multifunctionality can be useful in this respect.

Yannick Jadot
Solagral
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